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ethanhedman's reviews
148 reviews
The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War by Craig Whitlock
informative
reflective
fast-paced
2.5
While the book advertises itself and the summation of the Afghanistan Papers, I have my gripes and will list them here. The book falls into much of what international affairs analysis usually does with misanthropic adventures overseas. It focuses on ‘woulda’ or ‘coulda’ and never ‘shoulda’. The papers are a reflection of the different direction different arms of the US government, US military, and Afghan leaders were pulling US and NATO forces. This leads to a “quagmire” in which all of the above say things are going well when they aren’t to anyone on the ground, and there is no political will to put an end to the vicious cycle. What the book fails to mention are the quarter of a million civilians dead just due to war - excluding sanctions - and the horrific state we left the county in.
What irks me most about things like the “Vietnam papers” or the “Afghanistan papers” is that it frames the tragedy not as the genocides that we committed there, but that American taxpayers were lied to - that our tax dollars were wasted. This perhaps is not the direct fault of the author, but as a summary of the US government review of the US war on Afghanistan, it must take the same criticism.
The Empire of Necessity: Slavery, Freedom, and Deception in the New World by Greg Grandin
adventurous
informative
reflective
fast-paced
4.25
Grandin analyses the slave uprising on the Tryal, and its interception by the Perseverance and its captain, Amasa Delano (relative of FDR). Grandin gives an all-encompassing dissection of empire, slavery, and expansion in the New World, while analyzing the different market, historical, and human forces at work that led to everyone being where they were in 1805 off the coast of Chile. The author infuses Benito Cereno and Moby Dick by Herman Melville as a corollary to how the forces at play on the Tryal interact with the seemingly pre-destined historical course the United States seemed to be on.
Ultimately I believe Grandin sees Delano as a representation of the entrapment of Americans in history. That even when infrequently well-intentioned, people are largely bound to the political, social, and historical forces of their time and place.
"The Duxbury preachers who supported independence told him that one's fate was not predestined, that man had reason and free will, which gave him the power to make of himself what he would. But for the hapless Delano, faith in reason and free will became its own enchantment, blinding him to the ties that bound men together, that set the limits of who succeeded and who failed, and that decided who was free and who wasn't." (258)
"In the United States, a purer ideal of freedom has come to hold sway, at least among some, based on the principles of liberal democracy and laissez-faire economics but also on a more primal animus, an individual supremacy that not only denies the necessities that bind people together but resents any reminder of those necessities." (273)
Ultimately I believe Grandin sees Delano as a representation of the entrapment of Americans in history. That even when infrequently well-intentioned, people are largely bound to the political, social, and historical forces of their time and place.
"The Duxbury preachers who supported independence told him that one's fate was not predestined, that man had reason and free will, which gave him the power to make of himself what he would. But for the hapless Delano, faith in reason and free will became its own enchantment, blinding him to the ties that bound men together, that set the limits of who succeeded and who failed, and that decided who was free and who wasn't." (258)
"In the United States, a purer ideal of freedom has come to hold sway, at least among some, based on the principles of liberal democracy and laissez-faire economics but also on a more primal animus, an individual supremacy that not only denies the necessities that bind people together but resents any reminder of those necessities." (273)
Play It as It Lays by Joan Didion
dark
reflective
sad
tense
fast-paced
4.75
Finally read my first Didion novel and I get it. Amazing inspection of the malaise of American life in the 60s.
Oklahoma City: What the Investigation Missed--and Why It Still Matters by Andrew Gumbel, Roger G. Charles
dark
informative
mysterious
reflective
fast-paced
4.0
From Improvement to City Planning: Spatial Management in Cincinnati from the Early Republic Through the Civil War Decade by Henry C. Binford
challenging
informative
reflective
medium-paced
4.0
For Might and Right: Cold War Defense Spending and the Remaking of American Democracy by Michael Brenes
informative
fast-paced
4.5
There are too many damning quotes in this 248 page book to include without posting the entire book. Brenes argues that cold war defense spending "transformed the nature of of social democracy in the United States, altering American politics and creating a unique coalition of individuals invested in the "military industrial complex" for personal and political gain.
That "unique coalition", Brenes argues, includes defense workers in the rust belt that were slowly disappeared, 'small government' Republicans driven by rabid anti-communism, neo-liberal Democrats driven by short-term political gains in keeping their constituents' jobs (which were on the way out and only hurt those Dems in the long term - no meaningful effort given to conversion programs from defense to domestic programs), and the defense companies that were complicit in the fostering of the Cold War Coalition and financially stood to gain the most from government contracts, all at the expense of the New Deal and its coalition. "The Cold War created a marriage of convenience between those who materially benefitted from defense spending and groups of national political actors who backed the defense economy for ideological reasons". Thus, Brenes argues, this coalition is partly a story of "how wealth was expropriated from working-class to wealthy Americans, and how American democracy was transformed in the process".
This is already too long, you should read the book, but I'll close with this from Brenes. "The ultimate legacy of the Cold War therefore lies in its ability to transfigure American politics in ways that created new coalitions of Americans to keep the United States fighting the Cold War after 1991 - to align militarism and austerity with the interests of American democracy".
That "unique coalition", Brenes argues, includes defense workers in the rust belt that were slowly disappeared, 'small government' Republicans driven by rabid anti-communism, neo-liberal Democrats driven by short-term political gains in keeping their constituents' jobs (which were on the way out and only hurt those Dems in the long term - no meaningful effort given to conversion programs from defense to domestic programs), and the defense companies that were complicit in the fostering of the Cold War Coalition and financially stood to gain the most from government contracts, all at the expense of the New Deal and its coalition. "The Cold War created a marriage of convenience between those who materially benefitted from defense spending and groups of national political actors who backed the defense economy for ideological reasons". Thus, Brenes argues, this coalition is partly a story of "how wealth was expropriated from working-class to wealthy Americans, and how American democracy was transformed in the process".
This is already too long, you should read the book, but I'll close with this from Brenes. "The ultimate legacy of the Cold War therefore lies in its ability to transfigure American politics in ways that created new coalitions of Americans to keep the United States fighting the Cold War after 1991 - to align militarism and austerity with the interests of American democracy".
In Dubious Battle by John Steinbeck
challenging
emotional
inspiring
reflective
relaxing
sad
tense
medium-paced
4.5
Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World by Mike Davis
I once heard it said "The English Empire was morally on par with the Third Reich" and I never really knew why that might be true. As an American, the Irish Potato Famine is unique in the way it is taught in that it is not understood as it is more broadly across the world - a genocide. What Mike Davis' brilliant book lays out, is that the forced and violent introduction of global, market-based economics on communities all over the world, combined with the ENSO cycle of El-Nino and La-Nina years of extreme drought and extreme flooding, brought destruction, social and economic upheaval, and death to nearly every corner of the world. Davis leaves no room for argument that the famines that the British Empire oversaw in India, China, and Brazil were holocausts, at the very least mitigable by the oversight regimes, and does put them morally on par with Nazi Germany.
From the introduction, on the reasons why photographs of these genocides were included:
"In her somberly measured reflections, Reading the Holocaust, Inga Glendinnen ventures this opinion about the slaughter of innocents: "If we grant that 'Holocaust,' the total consumption of offerings by fire, is sinisterly appropriator the murder of those millions who found their only graves in the air, it is equally appropriate for the victims of Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and Dresden." Without using her capitalization (which implies too complete an equation between the Shoah and other carnages), it is the burden of this book to show that imperial policies towards starving "subjects" were often the exact moral equivalents of bombs dropped at 18,000 feet. The contemporary photographs used in this book are thus intended as accusations not illustrations."
So when people are seen not mourning the death of the queen, or even celebrating it, a proper reaction would perhaps not be to scold that person outright, but to ask "what could a person have done in their life to have people react this way to news of their demise?"
challenging
dark
informative
reflective
sad
slow-paced
4.75
I once heard it said "The English Empire was morally on par with the Third Reich" and I never really knew why that might be true. As an American, the Irish Potato Famine is unique in the way it is taught in that it is not understood as it is more broadly across the world - a genocide. What Mike Davis' brilliant book lays out, is that the forced and violent introduction of global, market-based economics on communities all over the world, combined with the ENSO cycle of El-Nino and La-Nina years of extreme drought and extreme flooding, brought destruction, social and economic upheaval, and death to nearly every corner of the world. Davis leaves no room for argument that the famines that the British Empire oversaw in India, China, and Brazil were holocausts, at the very least mitigable by the oversight regimes, and does put them morally on par with Nazi Germany.
From the introduction, on the reasons why photographs of these genocides were included:
"In her somberly measured reflections, Reading the Holocaust, Inga Glendinnen ventures this opinion about the slaughter of innocents: "If we grant that 'Holocaust,' the total consumption of offerings by fire, is sinisterly appropriator the murder of those millions who found their only graves in the air, it is equally appropriate for the victims of Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and Dresden." Without using her capitalization (which implies too complete an equation between the Shoah and other carnages), it is the burden of this book to show that imperial policies towards starving "subjects" were often the exact moral equivalents of bombs dropped at 18,000 feet. The contemporary photographs used in this book are thus intended as accusations not illustrations."
So when people are seen not mourning the death of the queen, or even celebrating it, a proper reaction would perhaps not be to scold that person outright, but to ask "what could a person have done in their life to have people react this way to news of their demise?"